Test matches in the period 1877 to 1883 were organised somewhat differently from international cricket matches today. The teams were rarely representative, and the boat trip between Australia and England, which usually lasted about 48 days, was one that many cricketers (especially amateurs) were unable or unwilling to undertake. As such, the home teams enjoyed a great advantage.
Thirteen Test Matches were played during the period, all between Australian and English sides. Most were not styled as representative “England v. Australia” contests, however: this description was only applied later by cricket statisticians. The same is true of their designation as “Test matches”, which did not enter into the vernacular until 1885. Eleven of the thirteen matches played to 1883 were in Australia, where the colonials made the most of their home advantage, winning seven while England won four, and two matches were drawn.
By 1883, the tradition of England-Australia tours was well established, that year having concluded the first Ashes series. When England lost at home for the first time in 1882, The Sporting Times lamented the death of cricket in the mother country and declared that “the body will be cremated and the ashes taken to Australia”. England captain Ivo Bligh promised that on the tour to Australia in 1882–83 he would regain “the ashes” and the term began to be established. During that tour a small terracotta urn was presented to Bligh by a group of Melbourne women. The urn is commonly, but erroneously, believed to be the trophy of the Ashes series, but it has never been formally adopted as such and Bligh always considered it to be a personal gift.
A number of the problems that continue to bedevil cricket today had already surfaced by 1883: there were umpiring disputes, betting controversies, match-fixing, and even a riot.
Dame Elizabeth Rosemond Taylor, DBE was a British-American actress, businesswoman, and humanitarian. She began as a child actress in the early 1940s, and was one of the most popular stars of classical Hollywood cinema in the 1950s. She continued her career successfully into the 1960s, and remained a well known public figure for the rest of her life. The American Film Institute named her the seventh-greatest female screen legend in 1999.
Lived: Feb 27, 1932 – Mar 23, 2011 (age 79)
Height: 5′ 3″ (1.60 m)
Spouse: Larry Fortensky (m. 1991 – 1996) · John Warner (m. 1976 – 1982) · Richard Burton (m. 1975 – 1976) · Richard Burton (m. 1964 – 1974) · Eddie Fisher (m. 1959 – 1964) · Mike Todd (m. 1957 – 1958) · Michael Wilding
Children: Maria Burton (Daughter) · Liza Todd (Daughter) · Michael Wilding Jr. (Son) · Christopher Edward Wilding (Son)
Buried: Forest Lawn Memorial Park
Richard Burton, CBE was a Welsh actor who was noted for his mellifluous baritone voice. Burton established himself as a formidable Shakespearean actor in the 1950s, and he gave a memorable performance of Hamlet in 1964. He was called “the natural successor to Olivier” by critic and dramaturg Kenneth Tynan. An alcoholic, Burton’s failure to live up to those expectations disappointed critics and colleagues and fueled his legend as a great thespian wastrel.
Lived: Nov 10, 1925 – Aug 05, 1984 (age 58)
Height: 5′ 10″ (1.78 m)
Spouse: Sally Burton (m. 1983 – 1984) · Susan Hunt (m. 1976 – 1982) · Elizabeth Taylor (m. 1975 – 1976) · Elizabeth Taylor (m. 1964 – 1974) · Sybil Williams (m. 1949 – 1963)
Children: Kate Burton (Daughter) · Liza Todd (Daughter) · Maria Burton (Daughter) · Jessica Burton (Daughter)
Siblings: Ifor Jenkins (Brother) · Cecilia Jenkins (Sister) · Graham Jenkins (Brother)
I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy.
I urge every member of both parties—Americans of all religions and of all colors—from every section of this country—to join me in that cause.
At times history and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a turning point in man’s unending search for freedom. So it was at Lexington and Concord. So it was a century ago at Appomattox. So it was last week in Selma, Alabama.
There is no Negro problem. There is no southern problem. There is no northern problem. There is only an American problem.
And we are met here tonight as Americans—not as Democrats or Republicans—we are met here as Americans to solve that problem.
This was the first nation in the history of the world to be founded with a purpose. The great phrases of that purpose still sound in every American heart, north and south: “All men are created equal” — “Government by consent of the governed” — “Give me liberty or give me death.”…
Those words are a promise to every citizen that he shall share in the dignity of man. This dignity cannot be found in man’s possessions. It cannot be found in his power or in his position. It really rests on his right to be treated as a man equal in opportunity to all others. It says that he shall share in freedom, he shall choose his leaders, educate his children, provide for his family according to his ability and his merits as a human being….
Many of the issues of civil rights are very complex and most difficult. But about this there can and should be no argument. Every American citizen must have an equal right to vote. There is no reason which can excuse the denial of that right. There is no duty which weighs more heavily on us than the duty we have to ensure that right.
Yet the harsh fact is that in many places in this country men and women are kept from voting simply because they are Negroes….
Experience has clearly shown that the existing process of law cannot overcome systematic and ingenious discrimination. No law that we now have on the books—and I have helped to put three of them there—can ensure the right to vote when local officials are determined to deny it.
In such a case our duty must be clear to all of us. The Constitution says that no person shall be kept from voting because of his race or his color. We have all sworn an oath before God to support and to defend that Constitution.
We must now act in obedience to that oath.
Wednesday I will send to Congress a law designed to eliminate illegal barriers to the right to vote….
To those who seek to avoid action by their National Government in their home communities—who want to and who seek to maintain purely local control over elections—the answer is simple. Open your polling places to all your people. Allow men and women to register and vote whatever the color of their skin. Extend the rights of citizenship to every citizen of this land. There is no constitutional issue here. The command of the Constitution is plain. There is no moral issue. It is wrong—deadly wrong—to deny any of your fellow Americans the right to vote in this country. There is no issue of States rights or National rights. There is only the struggle for human rights.
I have not the slightest doubt what will be your answer….
But even if we pass this bill, the battle will not be over. What happened in Selma is part of a far larger movement which reaches into every section and State of America. It is the effort of American Negroes to secure for themselves the full blessings of American life.
Their cause must be our cause too, because it is not just Negroes but really it is all of us, who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome….
This great, rich, restless country can offer opportunity and education and hope to all—all black and white, all North and South, sharecropper and city dweller. These are the enemies—poverty, ignorance, disease—they are our enemies, not our fellow man, not our neighbor. And these enemies too—poverty, disease, and ignorance—we shall overcome.